شنبه ۱۱ ژوئیهٔ ۲۰۰۹
مقاله ای از روزنامه تایمز
Richard Kerbaj
Green flags and banners fly as a crowd of 2,000 or so demonstrators chant anti-Iranian regime slogans. Many pump their fists into the air, screaming in Persian: “Guns and tanks are of no use to you any more because the people have now spoken.” It’s a chant followed by: “Ahmadinejad, you’re a murderer.”
From the rooftop of the Iranian Embassy in London an unmanned video camera records the faces of the angry crowd gathered in Knightsbridge, emboldened by their fury over what they believe was a rigged election.
A Metropolitan police officer who has been patrolling the demonstrations since they began three days after the close of polls in mid June, told The Times: “They’re filming quite a lot. Any intelligent person would assume they’re sending the footage back to Iran.” The tactic seems all the more disturbing as Nazenin Ansari, the diplomatic editor of Kayhan, a Persian weekly newspaper in London, says she has been investigating claims that a number of British Iranians have “disappeared” since the election.
“I have heard of some cases of people travelling from London into Tehran who have simply disappeared from the airport,” she said. “And I know of many cases of people who were planning to go and have decided not to any more. Because they have been in the demonstrations, there’s a real fear of photos being taken and being used against them.”
The swelling opposition towards the Ahmadinejad administration has politicised a once predominantly apolitical British Iranian community that feared expressing its dissent publicly.
Many activists accuse the regime of spying by gathering footage to punish and intimidate people should they choose to visit their homeland. Potkin Azarmehr, an Iranian activist and blogger, said that he was bouyed by the rapidly growing involvement of the Iranian population in Britain, which stands between 53,000 and 73,000, according to figures from the Office for National Statistics.
“One of the tangible things from all these demos is people have gotten to know each other and gotten closer to each other,” he said. “We’re united by a common goal, a common dream to change the misperception the world has of Iranians, because not all Iranians want to be represented by Ahmadinejad and his regime.”
Vahid Sadeghi Shirazi, a former political prisoner in Iran and one of the main demonstration organisers in London, said: “We are the voice of the Iranian people who are not allowed to speak up at the moment.” But a fear of the Iranian regime remains, as evidenced at Thursday’s rally — which marked the tenth anniversary of the student uprising against the Islamic revolution — in which many demonstrators disguised their faces with sunglasses, hats, wigs and paint.
Local activists are developing fresh ways of dodging the regime’s dissent radar by developing secret communication methods with their counterparts back home. Their greatest weapon has been cyberspace, despite the Iranian Government’s attempt to monitor websites and personal e-mails.
The movement was brought to life by the backing given to Mir Hossein Mousavi, Ahmadinejad’s main rival in the June 12 election. A movement that has met with violence, which, the regime’s opposition claims, has left more than 250 people dead. The regime is accused of playing down this figure by saying that only 20 deaths have been recorded.
The movement has also left hundreds of activists and bystanders who found themselves in wrong place at the wrong time behind bars.
Marayam, 32, a student from East London, spent four days in a police cell in Tehran during a holiday to visit her family. Her whereabouts became unknown the moment she was taken into custody. “They [police] told my parents they had never heard my name and categorically denied that I was in their custody,” Maryam, who was released without charge, said. The maths student returned to London recently
Green flags and banners fly as a crowd of 2,000 or so demonstrators chant anti-Iranian regime slogans. Many pump their fists into the air, screaming in Persian: “Guns and tanks are of no use to you any more because the people have now spoken.” It’s a chant followed by: “Ahmadinejad, you’re a murderer.”
From the rooftop of the Iranian Embassy in London an unmanned video camera records the faces of the angry crowd gathered in Knightsbridge, emboldened by their fury over what they believe was a rigged election.
A Metropolitan police officer who has been patrolling the demonstrations since they began three days after the close of polls in mid June, told The Times: “They’re filming quite a lot. Any intelligent person would assume they’re sending the footage back to Iran.” The tactic seems all the more disturbing as Nazenin Ansari, the diplomatic editor of Kayhan, a Persian weekly newspaper in London, says she has been investigating claims that a number of British Iranians have “disappeared” since the election.
“I have heard of some cases of people travelling from London into Tehran who have simply disappeared from the airport,” she said. “And I know of many cases of people who were planning to go and have decided not to any more. Because they have been in the demonstrations, there’s a real fear of photos being taken and being used against them.”
The swelling opposition towards the Ahmadinejad administration has politicised a once predominantly apolitical British Iranian community that feared expressing its dissent publicly.
Many activists accuse the regime of spying by gathering footage to punish and intimidate people should they choose to visit their homeland. Potkin Azarmehr, an Iranian activist and blogger, said that he was bouyed by the rapidly growing involvement of the Iranian population in Britain, which stands between 53,000 and 73,000, according to figures from the Office for National Statistics.
“One of the tangible things from all these demos is people have gotten to know each other and gotten closer to each other,” he said. “We’re united by a common goal, a common dream to change the misperception the world has of Iranians, because not all Iranians want to be represented by Ahmadinejad and his regime.”
Vahid Sadeghi Shirazi, a former political prisoner in Iran and one of the main demonstration organisers in London, said: “We are the voice of the Iranian people who are not allowed to speak up at the moment.” But a fear of the Iranian regime remains, as evidenced at Thursday’s rally — which marked the tenth anniversary of the student uprising against the Islamic revolution — in which many demonstrators disguised their faces with sunglasses, hats, wigs and paint.
Local activists are developing fresh ways of dodging the regime’s dissent radar by developing secret communication methods with their counterparts back home. Their greatest weapon has been cyberspace, despite the Iranian Government’s attempt to monitor websites and personal e-mails.
The movement was brought to life by the backing given to Mir Hossein Mousavi, Ahmadinejad’s main rival in the June 12 election. A movement that has met with violence, which, the regime’s opposition claims, has left more than 250 people dead. The regime is accused of playing down this figure by saying that only 20 deaths have been recorded.
The movement has also left hundreds of activists and bystanders who found themselves in wrong place at the wrong time behind bars.
Marayam, 32, a student from East London, spent four days in a police cell in Tehran during a holiday to visit her family. Her whereabouts became unknown the moment she was taken into custody. “They [police] told my parents they had never heard my name and categorically denied that I was in their custody,” Maryam, who was released without charge, said. The maths student returned to London recently
دوشنبه ۱۵ ژوئن ۲۰۰۹
سهشنبه ۱۲ مهٔ ۲۰۰۹
دوشنبه ۲۷ آوریل ۲۰۰۹
چهار سازمان بین المللی برخورد ایران بافعالان کارگری را محکوم کردند
چهار سازمان بين المللی روز دوشنبه با انتشار بيانيه ای در آستانه روز جهانی کارگر، روز اول ماه مه، آنچه که سرکوب تشکل های کارگری در ايران ناميدند، محکوم کردند.
در بيانيه اين سازمان ها آمده است: «سال هاست که تلاش کارگران برای برگزاری تظاهرات عمومی اول ماه مه با حملات پی در پی، ضرب و شتم و حبس و زندان روبرو بوده است.»
کنفدراسيون بين المللی اتحاديه های کارگری، فدراسيون جهانی کارگران حمل و نقل، اتحاديه بين المللی کارگران صنايع مواد غذايی، کشاورزی و خدمات و فدراسيون آموزش بين الملل گفته اند: «اتحاديه های آزاد کارگری در ايران غير قانونی اند .... و هرگونه گرايشی به اتحاديه مستقل کارگری با دورنمای سرکوب مواجه است.»
بر اساس اين بيانيه، دولت ايران در حال تشديد سرکوب اتحاديه های مستقل کارگری، پيش از روز جهانی کارگر سال جاری و احتمالا قبل از انتخابات رياست جمهوری است.اين سازمان های بين المللی کارگری و آموزشی در اين خصوص به بازداشت و محاکمه رهبران سنديکای کارگران شرکت نيشکر هفت تپه و ادامه بازداشت منصور اسانلو و ابراهيم مددی، رهبران سنديکای کارگران شرکت واحد اتوبوس رانی تهران و حومه اشاره کرده اند.
اين بيانيه خواستار آزادی فوری «همه فعالان اتحاديه ای ايران که صرفا به خاطر فعاليت های مشروع و مسالمت آميزشان هم اکنون در زندان به سر می برند» شده و افزوده است: «اتهامات عليه آن دسته از فعالان اتحاديه ای که با خطر زندان مواجهند، بايد بدون هيچ قيد و شرطی پس گرفته شود.»
کنفدراسيون بين المللی اتحاديه های کارگری، فراسيون جهانی کارگران حمل و نقل، اتحاديه بين المللی کارگران صنايع مواد غذايی، کشاورزی و خدمات و فدراسيون آموزش بين الملل در ساليان گذشته نيز بارها به برخوردهای امنيتی و قضايی با فعالان کارگری اعتراض کرده اند.فعالان کارگری در اين برخوردها متهم به انجام اقداماتی مانند اقدام عليه امنيت ملی، تبليغ عليه نظام و تشويش اذهان عمومی شده اند؛ اتهاماتی که از سوی اين فعالان، تشکل های کارگری در ايران و سازمان های بين المللی فعال در مسايل کارگری و حقوق بشری رد شده است.
سهشنبه ۷ آوریل ۲۰۰۹
Unclenched fist of Obama
Unclenched fist of Obama
Ali Meysoumi
In past few weeks centre point of any Iranian conversation was President Barak Obama, his policy review and the most important one his sweet Nowrouz message. The video message - with Farsi subtitles - from Barack Obama has assured Iranians that the US wants "engagement that is honest and grounded in mutual respect", prompting a swift response from Iran's Supreme leader.
If the rumour about a confidential letter to Supreme Leader is true then the good news is that after 30 years finally Americans realized who is really in charge of that country; Ali Khamenei not the so called elected presidents and parliamentarians. The focal point of Khamenei’s response was that if you are ready to change, then we would change our behaviour too. From Iran’s point of view change means something more than lifting of partly inefficient sanctions. Although these sanction specially the recent ones, has taken its toll, so far Islamic Republic has managed to dodge them by passing the pressure to people.
Preventing Iran from access to nuclear technology is hitting two birds with one stone. It takes away a dangerous toy from hands of a vicious child and puts an end to sweet dreams of other nations who are thinking about a homemade nuclear capability. A nuclear Iran would have been much more bearable if it was about to stop right there. The fact is a nuclear Iran is a start to a widespread proliferation.
Islamic regime is more than willing to negotiate and what they are looking for is not the right to enrich uranium or lifting of economic sanction. They are seeking a formal recognition and the first step has been taken by Barak Obama when he-for the first time as a US president- called them Islamic Republic of Iran. This is what Iranian regime has sought during past thirty years and has cost them heavily. Recognition of Islamic regime in Iran enables them to become a mini super power in Middle East and to spread their hegemony across the region. Therefore I will not be surprised to hear that they are ready to give up their nuclear facilities and stop enrichment forever. Even recognition of Israel and engagement in a Palestinian-Israeli peace process is not conceivable. It is obvious that even crazy statements of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad about obliteration of Israel are nothing but a political rhetoric that can be used in the time of grand bargain. The Islamic regime has saved these cards for the right moment and is eager to bring them up for the grand bargain.
In this scenario everything looks perfect and western politicians can claim a victory after thirty years of brawl. A glorious triumph for diplomacy and the infamous carrot and stick strategy; Iran comes back to community of nations, the imminent threat from a nuclear and hostile Iran will fade away and finally they will help to get rid of terrorist groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah by either merging them into peace process or by cutting their life lines. Iran also commits itself to improve its human right condition by abandoning public executions and arbitrary killings. Although when it comes behind closed doors, human right condition has no importance whatsoever for western diplomats as they have learned how to live with brutal regimes like Iran.
But the problem is, it is simply too good to be true. I believe there is a misapprehension about nature and essence of Iranian threat among western policymakers. It would have been much easier if the problem with Iran could have been brought down to nuclear issue and support for terrorism. The main problem about Iran is Political Islam. Political Islam is embedded in manifest of Islamic Republic of Iran and fascism is an indissoluble part of this phenomenon.
In my view, western policymakers are suffering from two diseases of short-termism and historical amnesia. If Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement with Adolf Hitler could spare the world from Nazi aggression, Presidents Obama’s unclenched fist and his flirtation with Ali Khamenei can be fruitful and put an end into Iran ambitions.
Ali Meysoumi
In past few weeks centre point of any Iranian conversation was President Barak Obama, his policy review and the most important one his sweet Nowrouz message. The video message - with Farsi subtitles - from Barack Obama has assured Iranians that the US wants "engagement that is honest and grounded in mutual respect", prompting a swift response from Iran's Supreme leader.
If the rumour about a confidential letter to Supreme Leader is true then the good news is that after 30 years finally Americans realized who is really in charge of that country; Ali Khamenei not the so called elected presidents and parliamentarians. The focal point of Khamenei’s response was that if you are ready to change, then we would change our behaviour too. From Iran’s point of view change means something more than lifting of partly inefficient sanctions. Although these sanction specially the recent ones, has taken its toll, so far Islamic Republic has managed to dodge them by passing the pressure to people.
Preventing Iran from access to nuclear technology is hitting two birds with one stone. It takes away a dangerous toy from hands of a vicious child and puts an end to sweet dreams of other nations who are thinking about a homemade nuclear capability. A nuclear Iran would have been much more bearable if it was about to stop right there. The fact is a nuclear Iran is a start to a widespread proliferation.
Islamic regime is more than willing to negotiate and what they are looking for is not the right to enrich uranium or lifting of economic sanction. They are seeking a formal recognition and the first step has been taken by Barak Obama when he-for the first time as a US president- called them Islamic Republic of Iran. This is what Iranian regime has sought during past thirty years and has cost them heavily. Recognition of Islamic regime in Iran enables them to become a mini super power in Middle East and to spread their hegemony across the region. Therefore I will not be surprised to hear that they are ready to give up their nuclear facilities and stop enrichment forever. Even recognition of Israel and engagement in a Palestinian-Israeli peace process is not conceivable. It is obvious that even crazy statements of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad about obliteration of Israel are nothing but a political rhetoric that can be used in the time of grand bargain. The Islamic regime has saved these cards for the right moment and is eager to bring them up for the grand bargain.
In this scenario everything looks perfect and western politicians can claim a victory after thirty years of brawl. A glorious triumph for diplomacy and the infamous carrot and stick strategy; Iran comes back to community of nations, the imminent threat from a nuclear and hostile Iran will fade away and finally they will help to get rid of terrorist groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah by either merging them into peace process or by cutting their life lines. Iran also commits itself to improve its human right condition by abandoning public executions and arbitrary killings. Although when it comes behind closed doors, human right condition has no importance whatsoever for western diplomats as they have learned how to live with brutal regimes like Iran.
But the problem is, it is simply too good to be true. I believe there is a misapprehension about nature and essence of Iranian threat among western policymakers. It would have been much easier if the problem with Iran could have been brought down to nuclear issue and support for terrorism. The main problem about Iran is Political Islam. Political Islam is embedded in manifest of Islamic Republic of Iran and fascism is an indissoluble part of this phenomenon.
In my view, western policymakers are suffering from two diseases of short-termism and historical amnesia. If Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement with Adolf Hitler could spare the world from Nazi aggression, Presidents Obama’s unclenched fist and his flirtation with Ali Khamenei can be fruitful and put an end into Iran ambitions.
جمعه ۶ مارس ۲۰۰۹
زندانی سیاسی، امیر حسین حشمت ساران در زندان گوهردشت به قتل رسيد
فعالین حقوق بشر و دمکراسی در ایران : بنابه گزارشات رسیده از بیمارستان رجائی کرج ،زندانی سیاسی امیر حسین حشمت ساران 09:00 صبح امروز در بیمارستان رجائی کرج جاودانه شد. این سومین زندانی سیاسی است که در زندان گوهردشت کرج به قتل رسانده می شود.زندانی سیاسی امیر حسین ساران ،پس از تجویز دارهایی که بصورت پورد شده و جند دارو با هم مخلوط بود و از محتوای این داروها اطلاعی دردست نیست مسموم شد و در حدود 48 ساعت در کوما بسر برد تا اینکه صبح امروز جاودانه شد.از روز گذشته که خانواده آقای ساران متوجه وضعیت وخیم جسمی آقای ساران شدند فرزندان او بارها تلاش کردند که پدر خود را عیادت کنند ولی مامورین وزات اطلاعات که در آنجا حضور داشتند و به عنوان نگهبان اتاقی آی.سی.یو ب.ودند ممانعت کردند .آقای ساران درحالی که در بیهوشی بود به دستان او دستبند زده بودن و به تخت بیمارستان بسته شده بود.امیر حسین ساران و سایر هم بندیهای او در طی مدت بازداشت خود در زندان گوهردشت کرج بارها آماج حملات سازمان یافته توسط وزات اطلاعات و علی حاج کاظم و روسای حفاظت و اطلاعات و رئیس بند ها قرار گرفت که منجر به برداشتن زخمهای عمیق شده بود در آخرین یورشی که چند روز پیش توسط کرمانی و نبی الله فرج زاده همراه با 30 نفر از افراد گارد ویژه زندان به سلول آنها شد او و همبندیهایش آماج ضربات باطوم قرار گرفتند و اندک وسائل آنها یا تخریب شد و یا به یغما رفت.آقای ساران بارها به بند 8 زندان گوهردشت کرج فراخوانده شد واو را تحت فشار های روحی و تهدیدات مختلف قرار دادندسیاست سرکوبهای گسترده ،اعدامها و قتل زندانیان سیاسی که در زندانها روی میدهد توسط ولی فقیه مطلقه رژیم علی خامنه ای تعیین می شود وبرای اجرا در دست وزارت اطلاعات و روسای زندانهاقرار می گیرد
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